دنيس روس

لمعلومات عن النائب الأمريكي عن فلوريدا، انظر دنيس أ. روس.
روس يلقي كلمة في جامعة إموري.

دنيس ب. روس Dennis B. Ross (و. 26 نوفمبر 1948)، هو دبلوماسي ومؤلف أمريكي. عمل مدير تخطيط السياسة في الخارجية الأمريكية في ادارة الرئيس جورج هـ. بوش، والمنسق الخاص للشرق الأوسط في ادارة الرئيس بل كلينتون، وكان مستشار خاص لحرب الخليج وجنوب شرق آسيا (وتشمل إيرانلوزير الخارجية هيلاري كلينتون.[1]

حياته

وُلد روس في سان فرانسيسكو، ونشأ في مقاطعة مارين. نشأ روس في جو غير ديني، وكانت والدته يهودية وجده كاثوليكي.[2] تخرج روس من جامعة كاليفورنيا، لوس أنجلس عام 1970 وقام بدراسته العليا هناك، وكانت أطروحة الدكتوراة عن صنع القرار السوڤيتي.[3] اعتنق اليهودية بعد حرب أكتوبر 1973.[2] عام 2002 شارك في تأسيس كنيس كول شالوم في روكڤيل، ماريلاند.[2]

في ادارة الرئيس جيمي كارتر، كان روس نائب مساعد لسكرتير وزير الدفاع پول وولفيتز، في الپنتاگون. هناك، شارك في تأليف دراسة تنصح بالتدخل الأمريكي واسع النطاق في "منطقة حرب الخليج بسبب احتياجنا إلى نفط الخليج العربي ولأن الأحدث في الخليج تؤثر على الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي."[4] في ادارة ريگان، كان روس مدير شؤون الشرق الأدنى وجنوب آسيا في مجلس الأمن القومي ونائب مدير مكتب شبكة التقييم بالپنتاگون (1982–84).[3]

عاد روس لحياته الأكاديمية لفترة وجيزة في الثمانينيات، وكان مدير تنفيذي لبرنامج بركلي-ستانفورد حول السلوك الدولي السوڤيتي من 1984-1986.[3] في منتصف الثمانينيات، شارك روس في تأسيس الجنة الأمريكية الإسرائيلية للشؤون العامة برعاية معهد واشنطن لسياسات الشرق الأدنى.[5] كانت أولى أوراقه البحثية في معهد واشنطن تطالب بتعيين "مبعوث خاص غير عربي للشرق الأوسط" والذي "لن يشعر بالذنب تجاه علاقاتنا مع إسرائيل."[6]

في ادارة الرئيس الأمريكي جورج هـ. بوش، كان روس مدير طاقم تخطيط السياسات بوزارة الخارجية، عمل حول السياسة الأمريكية تجاه الاتحاد السوڤيتي السابق، ألمانيا الموحدة، وتكاملهما مع الناتو، حظر الأسلحة، وحرب الخليج 1991.[3] عمل أيضاً مع وزير الخارجية جيمس بيكر لاقناع الزعماء العرب والإسرائيليين لحضور مؤتمر سلام الشرق الأوسط في مدريد، إسپانيا، 1991.[2]

مبعوث الشرق الأوسط

روس (يمين) مع إيهود بارك عام 1999.

في صيف 1993، عينه الرئيس بيل كلينتون، مبعوث للشرق الأوسط. ساعد روس الإسرائيليين والفلسطينيين للوصول إلى الاتفاق الانتقالي بشأن الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة وتوسط في پروتوكول اعادة الانتشار في الخليل، عام 1997. سهل روس معاهدة السلام الأردنية الإسرائيلية وعمل أيضً على المباحثات بين إسرائيل وسوريا.[3]

كان روس محل نقد من جانبي النزاع. وصفه رئيس الوزراء الفلسطيني السابق نبيل شعت بأنه "مؤيد لإسرائيل أكثر من الإسرائيليين".[7] في إشارة إلى أصوله اليهودية (على الرغم من أن روس لم يشكل له هذا مشكلة مع رؤساء الدول الآخرين أثناء المفاوضات)، بينما يصفه بعض الإسرائيليين المحافظين بأنه "يكره ذاته" - حيث طالبه كل جانب ألا يكون متحيز،[8][9] though Palestinians involved in the negotiation process would insist that his perceived lack of objectivity had little to do with his religion.[10] Describing Ross, Roger Cohen wrote that “Balance is something this meticulous diplomat [Ross] prizes. But a recurrent issue with Ross, who embraced the Jewish faith after being raised in a nonreligious home by a Jewish mother and Catholic stepfather, has been whether he is too close to the American Jewish community and Israel to be an honest broker with Iran or Arabs. Aaron David Miller, after years of working with Ross, concluded in a book that he “had an inherent tendency to see the world of Arab-Israeli politics first from Israel’s vantage point rather than that of the Palestinians.” Another former senior State Department official, who requested anonymity … told me, “Ross’s bad habit is preconsultation with the Israelis.”[11]

In their 2006 paper The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, John Mearsheimer, political science professor at the University of Chicago, and Stephen Walt, academic dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, named Ross as a member of the "Israeli lobby" in the United States.[12] Ross in turn criticized the academics behind the paper.[12] In 2008, Time reported that a former colleague of Ross, former ambassador Daniel Kurtzer published a think-tank monograph containing anonymous complaints from Arab and American negotiators saying Ross was seen as biased towards Israel and not "an honest broker".[13]

Ross's memoir of his experiences, The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace tells his side of the story and outlines the key lessons to be drawn.[14][15] His 2007 book, Statecraft: And How to Restore America's Standing in the World, criticizes the administration of President George W. Bush for its failure to use the tools of statecraft to advance U.S. national interests. He advocates instead for a neoliberal foreign policy which relies on a much broader and more effective use of statecraft.[16] While having worked under both Republican and Democratic administrations, Ross himself is a Democrat.[17]

أنشطته بعد كلينتون

After leaving his position as envoy, Ross returned to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy as counselor and Ziegler distinguished fellow. He became chair of the Jerusalem-based think tank, the Jewish People Policy Planning Institute, funded and founded by the Jewish Agency in 2002.[18]

During these years he taught classes at Marquette University, Brandeis University, Georgetown University and the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University."[2] He also wrote frequently for publications like The Washington Post, The New York Times, The Jerusalem Post, The New Republic, USA Today and The Wall Street Journal and worked as a foreign affairs analyst for the Fox News channel.[19]

Ross was a noted supporter of the Iraq war and he signed two Project for a New American Century (PNAC) letters in support of the war in March 2003.[20] However, he opposed some of the Bush Administration's policies for post-war reconstruction.[13] He also opposed Bush's policy of avoiding direct talks with Iran.[2]

According to Wall Street Journal, Ross, along with James Steinberg and Daniel Kurtzer, were among the principal authors of presidential candidate Barack Obama’s address on the Middle East to AIPAC in June 2008.[21] It was viewed as the Democratic nominee’s most expansive on international affairs.[22]

مناصب في ادارة اوباما

Ross was appointed Special Advisor for the Persian Gulf and Southwest Asia to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on February 23, 2009.[23] On June 25, 2009 the White House announced that Ross was leaving the State Department to join the National Security Council staff as a Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for the Central Region, with overall responsibility for the region. The Central Region includes the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, Pakistan and South Asia.[24]

Haaretz reported that Ross's work as a Middle East aide in the Obama administration was burdened by tension with special envoy George Mitchell, to the point that Ross and Mitchell sometimes refused to speak to each other. This report indicated that the tension was caused, at least in part, by Ross' occasional efforts to conduct negotiations with Israeli government officials without notifying Mitchell. For example, in both September and November 2010, Ross was said to have tried to persuade Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to freeze settlement construction during negotiations with the Palestinian Authority, in exchange for unspecified private assurances and a major military arms transfer from the United States.[25]

Palestinian officials reportedly viewed Ross as beholden to the Israeli government, and not as an honest broker or even-handed facilitator of negotiations. For a significant period, Ross refrained from meeting Palestinian Authority officials, while continuing to hold talks with Israeli officials during his visits to the region.[25]

On November 10, 2011, Ross stepped down from his post in the Obama administration.[26]

خطة الخطوات ال12 لاسئتناف المفاوضات الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية

Dennis Ross has proposed a twelve step plan to get the Israelis and Palestinians back on the "peace wagon and to begin to restore trust." Ross' plan consists of six steps for each side.[27]

For the Israelis, Ross says:

  1. Offer compensation incentives for settlers who voluntarily begin leaving settlements.
  2. Construct houses for settlers who leave settlements, so they will know they have a place to live even if they leave a settlement.
  3. In areas that Israel will definitely leave in a final status agreement, construction must be stopped, while the new housing should be put in the major blocs that Israel is expected to keep.
  4. Area C, which is 60% of the West Bank that came under full Israeli security control per the Oslo Accords, should be opened up to Palestinian economic activity that is currently prohibited. This will demonstrate that Israel is serious about leaving these territories.
  5. The Palestinian police's presence in Area B, which is 22% of the West Bank, should be expanded to include security responsibility and lower Israel's profile.
  6. Israeli incursions into Area A, which is 18% of the West Bank where the Palestinian Authority has civil and security responsibility, should be minimized unless absolutely necessary.

For the Palestinians, Ross says:

  1. Israel must be put on their maps, textbooks, websites, and government documents. This will demonstrate that the Palestinians are serious about a two-state solution that includes Israel.
  2. Palestinians must acknowledge a historical Jewish connection to the land if they are so confident about their own rights to the land.
  3. Palestinians must stop celebrating anyone who kills an Israeli as a "martyr." This will demonstrate that they are serious about coexistence with Israelis.
  4. The Palestinian Authority must start conditioning the Palestinian public for the difficult decisions and compromises they will have to take that are necessary for peace - "the more you treat yourself as a victim the more you perpetuate yourself as a victim."
  5. Refugee camps must be replaced with permanent housing.
  6. The Palestinians should build the infrastructure and institutions of their state, which would be good for them and also tells the Israelis what kind of state they want to have.

جدل

For background, see Positions on Jerusalem

Ross states in his book The Missing Peace that he and other American negotiators pushed Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak to accept Palestinian sovereignty over Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem during the Middle East Peace Summit at Camp David.[28] Ross wrote part of Barack Obama's speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee during the 2008 Presidential campaign, and the speech stated that "Jerusalem is Israel's capital" and that it should not be divided again. The Jerusalem Post reported in November 2008 that, according to Ross, these were "facts." However, Ross stated that the "third point," which is the position of the United States since the Camp David Accords, is that the final status of the city will be resolved by negotiations.[29]

أعماله

انظر أيضاً

المصادر

  1. ^ Landler, Mark (2009-02-24). "Negotiator picked for post at U.S. State Dept.". International Herald Tribune. Retrieved 2009-02-24. 
  2. ^ أ ب ت ث ج ح Washington Post "WhoRunsGov" profile on Dennis Ross, Accessed March 1, 2009.
  3. ^ أ ب ت ث ج Biography of Dennis Ross, Counselor and Ziegler Distinguished Fellow, Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
  4. ^ James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet, Viking, 2004, 79-81.
  5. ^ Clayton E. Swisher (2004), The Truth About Camp David: The Untold Story About the Collapse of the Middle East Peace Process. New York: Nation Books, p. 35.
  6. ^ Swisher, The Truth About Camp David, p. 39.
  7. ^ Quoted in Swisher, The Truth About Camp David, p. 32.
  8. ^ Tired are the peacemakers: tales from the Arab-Israeli negotiating table, Washington Monthly, September 2004.
  9. ^ Avi Shlaim, The Lost Steps, The Nation, August 30, 2004.
  10. ^ Swisher, The Truth About Camp David, pp. 148-49.
  11. ^ Roger Cohen, “The making of an Iran Policy,” The New York Times Magazine, July 30, 2009.
  12. ^ أ ب Clyne, Meghan. Kalb Upbraids Harvard Dean Over Israel, New York Sun, March 21, 2006. Accessed August 17, 2007.
  13. ^ أ ب Obama's Conservative Mideast Pick, Massimo Calabresi, Time, 16 July 2008.
  14. ^ Frankel, Glen. "Book Review: So Close and Yet So Far," Washington Post, August 22, 2004, BW06.
  15. ^ "Exhausted Are the Peacemakers," New York Times Book Review, 2004.
  16. ^ Hirsch, Jordan. "Review of Statecraft," Columbia Current.
  17. ^ The Missing Peace, Dennis Ross Interviewed by Nonna Gorilovskaya, Mother Jones October 20, 2004.
  18. ^ Ross: Risk of war, Ynet, June 7, 2002.
  19. ^ Dennis Ross on Fox News Sunday, Fox News, April 21, 2002.
  20. ^ Project for a New American Century “Statement on Post-War Iraq,” March 19, 2003 and “Second Statement on Post-War Iraq,” March 28, 2003.
  21. ^ Obama's AIPAC speech. Text as prepared for delivery
  22. ^ Obama's Mideast Experts Emphasize Talks, Jay Solomon, Wall Street Journal, June 16, 2008; A7
  23. ^ U.S. State Department Press release.
  24. ^ Glenn Kessler, White House Makes it Official on Ross, Washington Post, June 25, 2009.
  25. ^ أ ب Obama's Mideast Envoy Steps Down Amid Stalled Peace Talks, Haaretz, 10 November 2011
  26. ^ "President Obama's Mid-East adviser Dennis Ross resigns". BBC. 2011-11-10. Retrieved 2011-11-10. 
  27. ^ Bloomfield, Douglas (July 25, 2012). "A 12-step plan to sober up for peace". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved July 29, 2012. 
  28. ^ Dennis Ross. August 2004. The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace. Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. ISBN 0-374-19973-6.
  29. ^ Dennis Ross tells 'Post' why Obama. The Jerusalem Post. Published Nov 1, 2008.

قراءات إضافية

  • Clayton E. Swisher (2004), The Truth About Camp David: The Untold Story About the Collapse of the Middle East Peace Process. New York: Nation Books.

وصلات خارجية